Kenan Camurcu

The most intriguing moment in the televised debates of the 2009 presidential elections in Iran was when Ahmadinejad accused former prime minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi, who had charged Ahmadinejad's government with "pursuing an adventurous foreign policy," of planning to send troops to support Palestinians against Israel during Mousavi's own premiership.

Yet, at that time, Ahmadinejad was famous for thrilling his ultra-conservative and radical supporters with promises to "wipe Israel off the map" and for delighting antisemitic souls in various countries. In contrast, Mousavi, who had served as Iran's longest-serving prime minister starting from the war years, opposed the squandering of Iranian resources on cross-border affairs and vowed to end it if he came to power. In that night's debate, he stated, "Lebanon and the Arab-Israeli war are not Iran's most important issues. We should ignore them."

“The Road to Jerusalem Passes Through Karbala”

Mousavi denied the plan to send troops to Palestine during that debate. He said that the official stance of the state at that time regarding the Palestinian-Israeli conflict was simply to hold a referendum for self-determination with the participation of all parties: Jews, Muslims, and Christians. But he reminded the audience that Ahmadinejad's statements denying the Holocaust had caused great troubles for Iran, and that his deputy Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei's declaration, "We are friends with the people of Israel," had not salvaged the situation.

Mousavi also recounted an anecdote from his premiership: "In 1982, when Israel attacked Lebanon, everyone agreed that we needed to send forces and expel Israel from Lebanon. A reconnaissance group was even dispatched. The next day, while the heads of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches were meeting to make a decision, Ahmad Khomeini arrived and conveyed Imam [Khomeini]'s message: 'The road to Jerusalem passes through Karbala.' That is to say, he was telling them, 'Focus on your own war; what business do you have sending forces to Lebanon?'"

Iranian Autocracy in Need of a State of Emergency

Mousavi's government program was an alarm bell for the rigid autocracy, by its own definition, "absolute Wilayat al-Faqih" (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) regime, which thrives on deep blackout and a state of emergency.

Mir-Hossein Mousavi knew that the "Palestinian cause" would diminish the welfare, quality of life, democracy, and happiness of Iranians. He had foreseen that such a black hole would lead to all kinds of corruption, theft, and plunder, and would provide fuel for the authoritarian regime. Indeed, that is what happened.

Mousavi also promised that Iran would transition to a transparent democracy like developed countries, that the slogans of the '79 revolution – "independence, freedom, republic" – would be revisited, and that social life would be free as in the early years of the revolution. He knew that all of this would be possible with the lifting of US and European sanctions and the initiation of free trade with the world. He also knew that as society became stronger, the autocratic regime would recede and eventually come to an end.

The elites of the establishment, realizing that they would be erased from history if Mousavi were elected, pushed the button and ensured Mousavi's defeat in the fraudulent election.

The Fraudulent 2009 Elections

When Ahmadinejad was extracted from the ballot box at the expense of challenging all mathematical probabilities, millions of Iranians in all cities protested the election interference. This adventure culminated in military and paramilitary forces loyal to Qasem Soleimani attacking the protestors and Revolutionary Guard General Hossein Hamadani (who was killed in Syria) assigning militias composed of common criminals to attack demonstrators and burn shops in an environment of de facto martial law, leading to widespread arrests, the killing of nearly 300 protestors, and ultimately the house arrest of Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard without trial.

Mousavi and His Wife Still Imprisoned After 16 Years

Mousavi and his wife have been imprisoned for 16 years, without trial and without being allowed to defend themselves. The then-Head of Judiciary, Sadegh Larijani, explained why Mousavi was not tried with a strange justification: "He wants to use the court as a platform to make his statements." Isn't that what a court is for?

Tehran MP Ali Motahhari also relayed that when he asked Khamenei to lift Mousavi's house arrest or at least allow him to be tried, Khamenei replied, "If he were tried, his sentence would be very severe. We granted him a favor by doing this." So, according to Khamenei, Mousavi was even indebted to him for being held captive with his wife for 16 years without being brought to court.

Westerners have a category called "good dictator" or "benevolent dictator." They refer to leaders who implement reforms for the benefit of the people through authoritarian methods. El Salvador's current president, who gained fame for his relentless fight against mafia and gangs, is also called a "cool dictator." Khamenei's is not even like that; it's brazen despotism. Very unpleasant.

In the literature of despotism, the detention of Mousavi and his wife Rahnavard is referred to as "house arrest," but with exaggerated modifications to the house, it is clearly a prison. The execution carried out is aggravated imprisonment. Moreover, its duration is undefined. In fact, this is a kidnapping, a hostage-taking. Pure terrorism.

Some see 2009 as the beginning of the countdown for the absolute Wilayat al-Faqih regime. Much like the Pahlavi regime's decline began in the mid-60s when Ruhollah Khomeini was exiled. The Pahlavi despotism was accused of selling out Iran to America and Israel. The Wilayat al-Faqih despotism is accused of selling it out to Lebanon and Palestine. Since 2009, Iranians, boycotting elections in increasing numbers, repeat the slogan "Neither Gaza nor Lebanon, my life for Iran" at every opportunity.

Nasrallah Ignored the Injustice to Mousavi

Nasrallah was aware of the illegality, oppression, and injustice inflicted upon Mousavi and his wife Rahnavard, and the massive despotism in Iran. Yet, instead of reacting to it, he never failed to address Khamenei with compliments like "leader of the Ummah" for the sake of continuing budget transfers to Hezbollah at the expense of Iranians' impoverishment. When he lashed out at Western capitals that imposed sanctions due to their relationship with Iran, saying, "Let me tell you clearly: our budget comes from Iran, Iran covers all our expenses", he was actually chastising his own supporters who were displeased with the client relationship with Tehran.

This "emotional" bond applies to all groups and organizations, large and small, effective and ineffective, that define themselves within the "Axis of Resistance" in various countries. The late Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah, a respected scholar in the Shia world, was removed from the official protocol of events in Tehran because he objected to Hezbollah being reduced to this state.

From Fadlallah, Who Found Khamenei Unqualified, to Nasrallah's Absolute Obedience

Fadlallah was the successor of Imam Musa Sadr, the symbol of Lebanon's unity and peace. Hezbollah, which acted on Fadlallah's recommendations during its establishment, was initially a social, political, and intellectual movement, with its military aspect being secondary. However, Nasrallah transformed Hezbollah into a mercenary force defined solely by its military character.

Sayyid Fadlallah, who published over 70 books, including a commentary on the Quran, faced the wrath of ultra-conservatives when he criticized Khamenei for his lack of scholarly qualification for the rank of Marja' Taqlid (source of emulation) and his approach to Iran-Hezbollah relations. Fadlallah was the first scholar to object to Khamenei's strategy of expansion within Shiism. He was marginalized and ignored after the operation that put Nasrallah in charge of Hezbollah.

Hujjat al-Islam Mohammad Javad Akbarin, a student of Fadlallah, attributes his teacher's fall from grace in "new Iran" to his opposition to the model imposed on Hezbollah. Akbarin is also a cleric who was sentenced to prison for some of his articles and forced to emigrate to Paris. His assessment is as follows:

"Fadlallah did not consider Khamenei to be at the necessary jurisprudential level to be a source of emulation. I heard it directly from him. He questioned how he became a mujtahid (an Islamic scholar qualified to issue independent legal judgments) just one year after Khomeini's death, when he was merely a mukallid (one who follows a mujtahid) until then. He believed that this was a political situation and would harm the scientific and traditional course of jurisprudence."

"According to Fadlallah, Hezbollah should act together with the Lebanese society and locally, considering the Lebanese conditions. The model dictated by Iran for Hezbollah [during Khamenei's era] and their overly intertwined modus operandi were incompatible with Lebanon's local and cultural conditions."

"Fadlallah was considered the spiritual father of Hezbollah when the organization was founded in 1982. But in later years, disagreements emerged between him and the organization. He did not accept the principle of Wilayat al-Faqih, which caused the distance between him and Nasrallah, who called for absolute obedience to Tehran, to widen. So much so that Hezbollah leaders, whose salaries came from Tehran, did not hesitate to speak ill of him in certain circles. Despite this, Fadlallah always maintained his position as a respected scholar."

“Mahsa Amini Was a Terrorist, She Committed Suicide to Cause Sedition”

Nasrallah, far from empathizing with the vast majority of the Iranian people who refuse to be sidelined into poverty, embargoes, sanctions, and isolation for the sake of Hezbollah, blamed the public during the Mahsa Amini protests. Regarding the protests for Mahsa, who was detained for a single strand of hair showing and died of a brain hemorrhage after being beaten, he said: "Iran is a targeted country. They use every incident against it. They used this ambiguous incident and brought the people to the streets. The protestors do not reflect the true will of the Iranian people. Iranians are loyal to their leader."

A commentator from Hezbollah went even further on Al-Manar television, stating, "Mahsa Amini is a member of the terrorist Komala organization. She went to the police station for a suicide mission. She swallowed a pill there. To become a martyr and cause sedition in the region."

Nasrallah's daughter, Zaynab Nasrallah, like her father, is not fond of the protests, opposition, political debates, and negotiations in Iran. According to Mehdi Rahimi, Ibrahim Raisi's Communications Director during his presidency, Zaynab told guests she hosted at home on the night of Raisi's funeral that she cried when she heard about the political discussions among Iranian factions. She accused Iranians of "not appreciating the blessing you have." https://www.shahrekhabar.com/news/174063738057454

In other words, the fundamental human values that Iranians demand—such as more democracy, rights, law, freedom, transparency, free elections, free political participation, prosperity, and a higher quality of life—are worth zero in the eyes of the Nasrallah father and daughter. For Nasrallah, Iran was merely a financial source that covered the livelihoods of Hezbollah families.

Meanwhile, let's remember that Nasrallah had no job or profession to earn his livelihood, other than living off money that rightfully belonged to Iranians. Hezbollah fighters also receive salaries from Khamenei, who holds unquestionable control over more than 60% of the Iranian budget. They are, in fact, mercenaries, paid soldiers. The Lebanese Shia community founded by Imam Musa Sadr was not like this. It was a community of skilled people with professions, businesses, and incomes.

Was Abu al-Fadl an Unemployed Person?

In a speech, the phenomenal cleric Sayyid Hassan Aghamiri, who was stripped of his clerical identity—his turban and robe—by a fabricated court sentence for opposing Khamenei and his despotism, asked what the profession of clerics (ruhanis) was and how they earned their living outside of religion. "There's income from the pulpit, of course. But I don't earn money from religion. I do trade. Did the Infallibles (Twelve Imams) receive salaries for being clerics? On the contrary, they all had professions and jobs. They engaged in farming and trade. I asked a delegation in Qom what Abu al-Fadl (Ali's son Abbas) did for a living. No one knew. I told them, let me tell you why you don't know: to legitimize your own unemployment, you imagine Abu al-Fadl as an unemployed person."

Iranians, who are already enraged by the squandering of their money under the pretext of supporting the "Axis of Resistance" amidst economic hardship, were outraged when it was revealed that Lebanese people were having parties with alcohol and shisha, chanting "Labbayk ya Zaynab" with money from Khamenei [şüpheli bağlantı kaldırıldı]. This exposure was the crucial side of the "Palestinian cause," because no objection or criticism of such use of Iranian money was heard from either the Hezbollah leadership or Tehran. In the tracking of money going to Gaza, quite a few questionable activities, including embezzlement, are also encountered.

Zaynab, mentioned in the entertainment video, is Hussein's sister. After the Karbala incident, she was taken captive, chained, and brought to Yazid's palace. Shiites commemorate her memory with sorrowful laments of "Labbayk ya Zaynab" during mourning ceremonies. The fact that mourning chants and chest-beating rituals mentioning Zaynab's name became part of a casino environment with dancing and entertainment naturally turned into a backlash against Khamenei, who unreservedly offered millions of dollars from public funds to these people.

The Evaporation of the "Axis of Resistance"

Weber's "charismatic leader" model is highly explanatory for Middle Eastern societies, including Turkey. These societies, which have a cult of leadership rather than an institutional mindset, fall apart when the worshiped leader withdraws from the scene.

Israel's killing of Haniyeh, first in the heart of the capital Tehran, in the most secure location of the Sepah, then its cornering and killing of Yahya Sinwar, who had become a legend among Palestinians and Islamists in various countries, alone in a ruined building in Rafah, and subsequently its pinpoint bombing of Nasrallah in front of supporters who were carried away by the myth that Israel could not even locate him, caused shock and confusion among all factions of the "Palestinian cause."

All threats that Hezbollah had 100,000 elite fighters and thousands of rockets, could strike all military and economic targets in Israel if it wished, crippling the country, and that if Israel bombed a building in Lebanon, several buildings in Israel would be bombed in retaliation, and that Israel would be turned into hell, all proved hollow. With the killing of Nasrallah, and then Safi al-Din a few days after being appointed in his place, the "Axis of Resistance" evaporated.

Desperate "Nasrallah Is Not Dead" Propaganda

The Sepah channel, as it always does, chose to deny the truth as its first reaction and lied that Nasrallah was not dead. However, understanding their political behavior choice of lying can explain why they opted for a lie that could only last a few days. They lie until the truth emerges on every issue, and they see this as a deception in war.

A hadith is narrated from the Prophet, "War is deception" (Bukhari 3030, Muslim 1739). "Hud'a" (deception) actually refers to military tactics to be employed against enemy forces during hot conflict or war. But Muslim elites and leaders translate this as "trickery" and include lying to motivate their own supporters within its scope. The "Palestine industry" is nothing but "hud'a." I believe I have written enough about this industry and will not repeat it.

Those who believe Nasrallah is not dead must be hoping he will reappear one day, like the Mahdi whom Twelver Shiites believe disappeared in a cave in 941, is currently alive, and will reappear one day. The inventor of this belief might be Omar ibn al-Khattab. Upon the Prophet's death, he cried out, "He has not died. He has gone to his Lord like Moses. Moses returned after forty days. He will certainly return like Moses." (Nisaburi, Kitabu Tafsiri'l-Qur'an / Tafsiru Ibni'l-Munzir, 1/408, narration: 986).

Funeral Ceremony with Israeli Permission

Nasrallah and Safi al-Din's funeral ceremony, which was said to have been postponed five months ago due to the possibility of an Israeli attack, was clearly held with ease due to non-aggression assurances obtained through intermediaries. The public preparations made starting a week before prove that Washington-Tel Aviv and Tehran had reached a certain agreement. For this reason, IDF warplanes merely flew over the funeral ceremony. But it later turned out that they did not waste fuel in vain, as they struck targets in other remaining Hezbollah locations while the funeral ceremony was ongoing and Hezbollah supporters were shouting enthusiastic slogans. (https://x.com/IsraelRadar_com/status/1893709119262965967)

As the jets broke the sound barrier over the ceremony area, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz posted a message on his X account: "You will be experts in funerals, and we in victories."

What About the Funerals of the Other 33 People?

It was striking that Ismail Qaani, Nasrallah's superior and commander of the Quds Force, was not at the funeral ceremony. Naim Qassem, Hezbollah's new leader residing in Tehran, was also absent. Naim Qassem's decision not to return to Lebanon and attend the funeral was probably a strategic decision made in Tehran. If he had come, Israel might have launched an airstrike to kill him, and high-ranking Iranian officials could also have died in the chaos. Apparently, Khamenei's office (Bayt-e Rahbari) did not want to face this.

Although at least 33 other high-ranking officials of the organization were killed along with Nasrallah in the Israeli bombardment, they were not included in the funeral ceremony. They were buried quietly. So quietly that there are no burial images.

Funeral Ceremony in Hope of the Reincarnation of the "Axis of Resistance"

Although Hezbollah supporters' hope that "millions of people would attend the funeral" did not materialize, approximately 45,000 people, almost filling the 50,000-capacity Camille Chamoun Sports City Stadium, attended the funeral ceremony. The announcements of "millions of people attending" are like the lie told by a political young girl recording a video after a Metrobus accident in Istanbul, saying "thousands injured, countless dead". This is related to the curriculum of the culture they grew up in. A toxic environment conducive to hoping for a position to open up thanks to the lies they tell. Or for motivational purposes to prevent the collapse of the fan base. This is how the Muslim mind works. They see no moral problem in such lies. Religious culture is the source of this behavior.

It is understood that the funeral ceremony of Nasrallah and Safi al-Din was planned by Tehran as the reincarnation of the "Axis of Resistance," a rebirth in a new body. But on the contrary, what was watched live was the funeral service of the "Axis of Resistance." The Israeli army, as if to put an end to it, released footage of the buildings struck in the attack that killed Nasrallah during the funeral ceremony.

Symbolic Ceremony for What Remained of Nasrallah’s Body

In Iran, it is a tradition to show the uncovered faces of those considered martyrs to their relatives and loved ones. At least their photographs are published, if the integrity of the deceased's body has not been compromised.

After the bombardment, it was announced that Nasrallah was not directly affected by the bomb but died from the trauma of the explosion. The Sepah's statement also indicated that his bodily integrity was not damaged. Israelis also claimed that Nasrallah suffered a "slow and painful death" due to toxic gas from the bomb.

Therefore, the doubt about why no photograph of Nasrallah's body was published after he was attacked with an 80-ton bunker-busting bomb while meeting with high-ranking Hezbollah commanders in an underground office, leaving not much left of his body, could not be resolved.

Consequently, this funeral ceremony was a symbolic ritual, not for a physical body. But that symbolism was more about the "Axis of Resistance" than Nasrallah. The funeral ceremony was for the "Axis of Resistance" project.

Tehran's Effort to Revive the Hezbollah Brand

Tehran certainly wanted to bring the Hezbollah brand back into Lebanese politics effectively by ensuring as many Hezbollah members as possible attended Nasrallah's funeral. However, what was overlooked is that Hezbollah's withdrawal from the stage led to a rebalancing of power in Lebanese politics, and no party will approve the dismantling of the new situation. For the remnants of Hezbollah to challenge this would put them at risk. But it seems Tehran is not very concerned about this.

So unconcerned that it can bury the heavyweights of the "Axis of Resistance"—Imad Mughniyeh, Qasem Soleimani, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, Haniyeh, Nasrallah, etc.—one after another and carry on as if nothing happened. The country's president (Raisi) died in a questionable helicopter crash, and it took less than three days to be forgotten. A proper investigation was not even conducted. They closed the file, citing "weather conditions." The only thing the dominant forces in Tehran are meticulously concerned about is the survival of religious despotism.

Cheers for Nasrallah's 25 Years in Hiding as an Achievement

The Sepah channel announced that Nasrallah's funeral would be a show of force for the "Axis of Resistance." The report highlighted that despite Israel's extensive efforts, it only managed to kill Nasrallah after 25 years.

It is, of course, strange that Nasrallah's having to live in hiding for 25 years and escaping Israel's grasp is presented as an achievement and victory. Secondly, 25 years was the lifespan Khamenei allotted to Israel. This period tragically became the lifespan of Hezbollah.

Islamism is skillful in agility. It extracts success and victory from Nasrallah's hiding and eluding capture, and a victimhood narrative from his being found and killed by an 80-ton bomb. Ultimately, the story ended in failure. Hezbollah's stronghold, or rather its de facto independent region from the central government, Dahiyeh, is now in ruins.

Even at its strongest, Hezbollah managed to elect only 13 representatives in the 128-seat parliament. The other Shia group, Berri's Amal, has 17 representatives. So, in the 2018 parliamentary elections, Hezbollah received only 29% (290,000) of the Shia votes (approximately 1 million). Imam Musa Sadr could represent all Shias. So could Mohammad Hussein Fadlallah.

What was called Hezbollah's power was, as Nasrallah detailed, the annual $400 million from Iran, and the missiles and weapons delivered via Syria. No political faction in Lebanon ever had this quality and quantity of power. For this reason, they were not in a position to challenge Hezbollah. They were forced to remain silent. Those who mistook that silence for Hezbollah's strength are surprised by the radical shift in the political atmosphere in Lebanon following the killings of Nasrallah and all top Hezbollah commanders alongside him.

With Only a Facade Remaining of Hamas and Hezbollah

Iranian Grand Ayatollah Safi Golpaygani, one of the high-ranking Shia Muslim scholars, was often insulted by ultra-conservatives for saying that the public pays the price for confrontation with some countries. He frequently brought up the issues of the high cost of living and livelihood. Does Nasrallah's war strategy against Israel have any rational basis other than the salaries received from Tehran?

Following Nasrallah's death, Hezbollah voted 'yes' to the new government of Nawaf Salam, who advocates that the state should have a monopoly on arms. This decision, which amounts to Hezbollah's surrender, could have been made even before such heavy losses. However, Hezbollah, guided by the unqualified officials in Khamenei's office, could not make this maneuver in time.

Musa Abu Marzook, head of Hamas's foreign relations bureau, also stated in an interview with The New York Times, "If the consequences of the attack had been foreseen, October 7 would not have happened." Marzook said he would not have supported the October 7 attack if he had anticipated Israel's reaction.

Some attribute this statement to an internal conflict within Hamas. But it seems that some Hamas cadres see that the organization has lost its right to exist with the October 7 attack and are investing in a post-Hamas era.

This is the new era where only a facade remains of Hamas and Hezbollah. Nasrallah understood that Hamas's October 7 attack would lead to significant consequences. He saw that the conditions were very different from the July 2006 war and that this time Tel Aviv was determined. Therefore, contrary to expectations, he did not open a front from the north against Israel and did not join the war. He even tried to show how detached he was from the issue by specifically stating that he learned about the Qassamites' attack much later. But it was too late; the damage was done.

Israelis manage to take more sophisticated measures as the threats and dangers aimed at destroying them grow. The instinct for self-preservation drives them to develop the most incredible defense technologies, and they achieve astonishing successes.

The "Axis of Resistance," a Poor Copy of the "Liberation Movements"

Sayyid Mehdi Hashemi, one of the founders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps formed after the 1979 Iranian Revolution, was the commander of the "Liberation Movements," which began its activities as a unit within the Sepah. He was a highly intellectual and strategic soldier. The "Liberation Movements" was the ancestor of the Quds Force within the Sepah, which, losing its level over time, descended to the border guard career exemplified by Qasem Soleimani.

The unit aimed to support Iranian-style revolutions in Islamic countries, while being in contact with all kinds of liberation movements regardless of faith, ideology, or political affiliation. Mehdi Hashemi was sacrificed to inter-state relations, although other crimes were used as pretext, because he secretly conducted operations to bring about Islamic revolutions in Muslim countries, especially those with Shia populations in Sunni states.

Hashemi was executed in 1987 after a sham trial. He was the brother of the son-in-law of Montazeri, who had been elected deputy leader (qa'im-e maqam-e rahbari) by the unanimous vote of all members of the Assembly of Experts in its June 1985 session.

The Mehdi Hashemi operation was intended to purge Montazeri. Montazeri, who had led the '79 revolution while Khomeini was still in exile, resigned in 1988 after thousands of political prisoners were executed in prisons, stating, "History will write you among the criminals." Ibrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash, was among the "death committee" that Montazeri chastised in a long speech.

Years later, Khamenei revived the "Liberation Movements" under the brand of the "Axis of Resistance." But this time, not with a romantic goal like supporting revolutions in Muslim countries, but with the idea of spreading among Shiites to solidify Iran's influence and create a global Shia nation under his leadership (imamate?). However, the adventure ended in a huge fiasco. The "Axis of Resistance" can be noted as the most expensive failed project in world political history, both financially and humanly.

Khamenei Warned of Mossad Infiltration into Hezbollah

Tehran, as it does after every shocking event, made a prophetic statement about foreknowledge, claiming after Nasrallah's killing that Khamenei had issued warnings about infiltration into Hezbollah. This appears somewhat as a precautionary measure against the potential for confusion caused by the Israelis' statement: "You protected Khamenei's regime by incurring dozens of casualties, but he did not protect you." Otherwise, it could also be Khamenei's self-exonerating propaganda. But there are already examples of individuals close to Nasrallah leaking information to Israel for years. For instance, the military operations chief, known as "the ghost," Imad Mughniyeh, was killed in this manner.

Furthermore, even Khamenei himself is not immune from this security vulnerability. Ali Reza Akbari, a former deputy defense minister who held the most sensitive positions for a long time and was executed on charges of being a British spy, was close enough to Khamenei to pray in the first row behind him. This is proof of the hollowness of the regime's show of force and that its power only extends to defenseless citizens.

How Was Imad Mughniyeh Killed?

Imad Mughniyeh, known as "the ghost," whom America and Israel could never find, was killed in an unexpected Israeli assassination in the Kafr Souseh district of Damascus in 2008. Mughniyeh was the most critical person responsible for Hezbollah's military operations.

Imad Mughniyeh's security level was so high that even his bodyguards didn't know who they were protecting. However, an Israeli spy managed to infiltrate their ranks, identify Mughniyeh, and obtain his cell phone, enabling Mossad to track him. Imad Mughniyeh's location was determined at two places through phone tracking: one, his lover's house in Damascus, and the other, the Syrian Security Organization's office in Kafr Sousse. Mossad brought the necessary equipment for the assassination into Syria with the help of the CIA, as diplomatic cargo from the US Embassy in Damascus.

In a series of revelations about the Mughniyeh assassination on his X account, Qasem Mohammadi, from the first generation of the Sepah, states, citing Israeli sources, that Israeli Prime Minister Olmert and Bush authorized the assassination. On the evening of February 12, 2008, Mossad agents, tracking Mughniyeh's cell phone signal, parked an SUV carrying explosives in the "death zone." The attack was broadcast live in a highly secretive operations room in Tel Aviv. Mughniyeh was not alone when he arrived. He was accompanied by Mahmoud Suleiman, a high-ranking commander of the Syrian army close to Bashar al-Assad, and Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force. It was an unusual and high-level meeting of the three commanders.

A former Israeli official told the New Yorker: "We could have pushed the button and all three commanders would have been history. It was an extraordinary opportunity that fell into our hands." They wanted to ask for permission for the new situation, but Olmert was on a plane and unreachable. The official says that Qasem Soleimani was saved this way.

“Ghosts of Beirut”

In the TV series Ghosts of Beirut, Fadlallah warns Imad Mughniyeh that Iranian agents consider him a useful idiot. Regardless of whether the dialogue is true, Fadlallah was always cautious of the group within the Revolutionary Guards that tried to open a front in Lebanon. When Khamenei, a member of that group, was controversially elected leader in the Assembly of Experts, his ties with Iran strained to a breaking point.

As Khamenei attempted to continue the legacy of the "Liberation Movements" unit under the name "Axis of Resistance," he found it necessary in his historical narrative to portray Imam Musa Sadr, an unforgettable figure in Lebanon, as the "architect of resistance." This is undoubtedly a distortion, designed to camouflage the rootless, upstart "Axis of Resistance" project. In reality, Imam Musa Sadr was a proponent of Middle East peace, striving for the peaceful coexistence of all religious and belief groups. His opposition to Israel stemmed from its destabilization of Lebanon.

Imam Musa Sadr was the symbol of regional peace, with Lebanon as its capital. If he had lived, there would have been no Israeli problem. He became a victim of a multi-party conspiracy that did not want peace. The perpetrator of the conspiracy was Gaddafi. The reason for the rift between the Imam and Arafat was Arafat's attempt to take over Lebanon and bring the war with Israel into Lebanon.

Fadlallah regarded Hezbollah as the heir to Imam Musa Sadr. Therefore, he rejected Hezbollah being made a Lebanese branch of Khamenei's legion. With the introduction of blind acts of violence, such as suicide attacks, into Lebanon by Tehran-backed Imad Mughniyeh, that legacy was thrown into the trash.

What Bombast Can Legitimate Dictatorship?

After Nasrallah's death, we are right to ask those who mourn him with adulatory phrases what he did in the name of justice, freedom, rights, and law. What is the value for humanity and Islam of pushing aside principles that enable human existence and accepting only opposition to Israel as the highest value?

The struggle against Zionism is the opiate of Sunni or Shia power-hunger. It prevents seeing the injustice, oppression, wrongdoings, and lawlessness committed against one's own people in the country. It is a highly effective opiate that constantly turns eyes to the "other" and desensitizes those within. Is establishing a dictatorship in the name of fighting Zionism inheriting the Prophet's legacy? If the dominant examples of Islam are representatives of tyranny, can this type of religiosity have any message? If someone is drawn to this tyranny, they are either dependent on a rent-seeking system or are deranged.

In the glorious reign of conservative, sacred-minded power-hunger, how many Israels can absolve and cleanse the specter of an autocratic regime, a royal and imperial will?

The power-hungry existing Islam (reel Islam) that only cares about gaining power and building its own worldly empire, not hesitating to use the most perfected form of despotism for this, has run out of credit. It has lost its credibility. It has not a single word to say to humanity. The distance between it and what the Prophet left behind is measured in leagues.

Undoubtedly, there are blurred groups, unstable clusters, and neutral passive entities, but in terms of its main body, the state of the "umma" since the Prophet's death has been nothing but a deep division between the minority who adhere to truth and loyalty, like Ali, Ammar, and Salman, and the majority who adhere to the power-hungry "tulaqa" (those who were freed after Mecca's conquest).

Translated by Gemini